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The Prostitutes of Lyon Speak

Complementing the strategy of interpellating institutional actors was that of getting positive media coverage. InFrance legalized prostitution, and the.

As an organization with a Prostitutes Venissieux Catholic identity -it had been founded by a cleric, Prostitutes Venissieux the Lyon section included a priest and a seminarian- the Nid had both full religious legitimacy and fairly easy access to the local Catholic hierarchy; both were helpful in getting that hierarchy to accept the idea of a church occupation.

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In fact, the outcome of the negotiations was closely tied to the positions of the various actors and their relative power within Prostitutes Venissieux city's religious "field". While it was not hard to convince the parish priest of Saint-Nizier, who actually knew some of the prostitutes, since a number of them were devout Catholics and frequently came to his church, it was less certain that approval could be gotten from the archbishopric.

The Prostitutes Venissieux at the time, Cardinal Renard, was known as Prostitutes Venissieux conservative. He had only recently arrived in Lyon, sent by Rome with the mission of bringing the local clergy back under control after their relative turbulence during May ' His arrival Prostitutes Venissieux been perceived by the church personnel of Lyon as an attempt by the Vatican to impose thorough and binding supervision, and their response had been to boycott him, in response to which he gave up all attempts to exercise his official authority, devoting himself exclusively to prayer.

Into this void of religious power stepped the auxiliary bishop, who, as the Nid1 s former chaplain, had been made sensitive to the prostitutes' cause. It was Prostitutes Venissieux who exercised the functions deserted by the titular official, whom, it would seem, was now presented with a Prostitutes Venissieux accompli" and made to consent to Prostitutes Venissieux occupation against his will.

Mobilization within the space of prostitution. Sociologists of protest have long concurred with Anthony Oberschall's idea that Prostitutes Venissieux processes cannot be envisaged independently of the properties and characteristics of the social worlds in which they occur and develop, namely the degree of internal cohesion. But even more than this, our analyses must take into account the kinds of logic specific to those worlds, namely the different motivations or interests guiding actors who are a part of them, and the power of such motivations and interests to make Prostitutes Venissieux actors adopt specific rules of conduct, forms of social relations, perception schemata, criteria for Prostitutes Venissieux future developments and instruments of cognitive assessment that then shape and limit their representations and tactical activities.

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One of the most Prostitutes Venissieux constraints in the set imposed on the prostitutes' mobilization by the internal logic Prostitutes Venissieux their social world was the fact that many of them were subjected to procurers. According to the movement's key figure, it was necessary for the prostitutes to persuade their various procurers that the police repression was a threat to their own economic interests; in this way they could get the men to grant them the relative autonomy their mobilization required:.

The young women would never have been able to follow if their pimps hadn't given the signal [ They agreed first of all among themselves. Though it represented the first obstacle to mobilization, Prostitutes Venissieux fact that the prostitution market consisted in several hierarchically organized networks became an advantage as Prostitutes Venissieux as the prostitutes got their procurers' approval. It was because certain women already exercised a form of delegated authority over Prostitutes Venissieux prostitutes who belonged to the same procuring network that they were immediately recognized as leaders and were able to impose their decisions on their fellows.

Since certain positions in the prostitution world -positions that were already effective because Prostitutes Venissieux known and recognized- conferred legitimacy and authority on those who occupied them, those positions constituted a source of support for mobilization of the prostitute population.

The Nid activists, direct observers of the prostitutes' interactions, later described the group as consisting of a small number of potentially authoritarian leaders Prostitutes Venissieux a majority of passive "followers": "Not all the women had the same status: some didn't have the right to leave the church while others went out whenever they wanted Prostitutes Venissieux So there were women who led and women who obeyed -we shouldn't idealize the thing either [ When Z said something they were all obedience".

As a secret world bordering on the Prostitutes Venissieux one, a world in which violence was one of the primary instruments for regulating social relations, the prostitution "space" Prostitutes Venissieux had mobilization techniques at its disposal that could be particularly effective against women tempted to defect. Twenty years after the events, some of the protagonists relate that they hadn't initially wished to participate and only joined the movement under threat: "They sent women with dogs [ So what could we do, we didn't have a choice.

I went in, I had to. Threats and physical constraint thus played the role of selective negative incentive, to use Olson's terminologywith women who might have been tempted by the solution of "free riding", as is clear from the following comments by two other participants: "At the time everyone really had to go along Prostitutes Venissieux [ Clearly, then, the prostitution "space" in Lyon in June did not consist in a disorganized, atomized, or "anomic" population -though this is what it later became- but was instead a group characterized, in addition to Prostitutes Venissieux hierarchical organization, by a relatively high degree of internal cohesion and specific sociability spaces and practices.

Another reason the prostitutes were able to mobilize was that a kind of minimal solidarity and sense of group identity existed among them at that time, based first and foremost on common representations and similar experiences of Prostitutes Venissieux repression and the fact that they already had their own meeting spaces a number of red-light district bars and effective communication networks. And though such concentration might exacerbate feelings of competition and jealousy, it also, to a certain degree, facili.

Most accounts of the events underscore that the relations of solidarity obtaining between the prostitutes were Prostitutes Venissieux than the antagonisms between procuring networks or the logic of commercial competition. Such solidarity was expressed primarily through giving assistance in case of attack, disseminating information on potential threats of attack, and giving the alert against the police.

In this Prostitutes Venissieux the policy of collective swoop arrests adopted by the police after the scandal of involuntarily worked to strengthen relations and the Prostitutes Venissieux of solidarity among prostitutes. The long hours in the "violon" ["clink"] had been spent talking, exchanging experiences and information, playing cards, and the like -all practices whose effect was to strengthen cohesion among the prostitutes of the Lyon region, as is clearly expressed in the following remarks by one of them:.

When they found us on the street they Prostitutes Venissieux take us to the police station -it was Bellecour at the time. And we spent [ So we played belote; all that time there we played belote, rummy [ Now we don't. The prostitutes' movement did not, therefore, emerge ex nihilo but Prostitutes Venissieux built on an effective pre-existing structure of social relations.

From this perspective the mobilization of Lyon' s prostitution space can be compared on some points to Oberschall's "community model"p. Identifying "internal resources" specific to the prostitution world thus prevents us from making the mistake, noted by McAdam in his criticism of certain partisans of resource mobilization analysis, of underestimating the at least latent or potential capacities mobilizable Prostitutes Venissieux those populations that Prostitutes Venissieux to have the least aptitude for collective action.

Above all, seeing that such resources exist should lead us to reject objectivist representations of what political resources are and how they have impact. Prostitutes Venissieux means that contrary to fixed, substantialist conceptions such as Tilly'sp.

Far from being stable "things in themselves" independent of the situations within which they have impact, such resources must be understood as closely tied to the social worlds to which the actors who make use of them belong. At this point we are led to. Effective within the Prostitutes Venissieux limits of the prostitution world, this very resource could well prove harmful to the mobilization by discrediting it should its existence become Prostitutes Venissieux in the "public space".

Different sources of support. Though the "internal resources" just discussed -hierarchical organization of the prostitution world and interrelations among prostitutes- proved useful supports for collective action, they could not in themselves suffice to make the mobilization possible.

The demonstration of Junedecided and organized by the prostitutes alone, had been a total fiasco; the occupation of Saint-Nizier three years later could only be Prostitutes Venissieux with the decisive help of the Nid members' activist know-how.

Examining the alliance processes between the protesting group and its Prostitutes Venissieux sources of assistance provides an opportunity to evoke an Prostitutes Venissieux of collective action that is often neglected Prostitutes Venissieux analyses of it: the frequent heterogeneity of the motivations and objectives that lead the different individuals and groups of individuals to coordinate their actions within a single social movement.

Moreover, through comparative study of the various logics that respectively led Nid members and militant feminists -the prostitutes' other main source of support- to involve themselves in the Prostitutes Venissieux cause, we shall be able to account for one of the most important dynamics of the movement: competition between these two sources in defining the meaning and stakes of the mobilization.

The Nid movement, whose declared objective is to work for "a world without prostitution", is, as mentioned, an organization with direct ties to the catholicisme social movement. The Nid was an integral part of catholicisme social's project of Prostitutes Venissieux a "Christian presence in the world", especially for the most underprivileged populations, through a strategy of adapting the religious message to the specificities of each social milieu.

In this strategy, laypersons played a preponderant role.

To understand the commitment to the prostitutes demonstrated by the Lyon section of the Nid, which in had no fewer than 50 members, we must take into account certain characteristics of those members, particularly their relative youth. Though Lyon Nid activists, like their older fellow-members mainly active in the national leadershiphad for the most part been active in the nationwide Catholic scout program and the Joe, and though they tended to have the same social origins and attitudes as the older members, this homology must not cause us to forget that two sociologically similar sets of members recruited at two different moments in social time are not equivalent.

Because of their youth, the Lyon activists particularly one of the most dynamic among them, Christian Delorme were prepared to import into Prostitutes Venissieux Nid a whole new set of themes and frames of reference that broke with those developed by the leadership that had been in place since the organization's founding.

Within the Nid, they accelerated the process of laicization and opening up to the world at large common to many Christian organizations at that time Grignon,to the point of Prostitutes Venissieux the interest and sympathy of a Prostitutes Venissieux following, including -and I Prostitutes Venissieux come Prostitutes Venissieux to this- some of the prostitutes themselves. The main new reference imported by the young activists was the Prostitutes Venissieux known as "conscientisatiori" [consciousness raising], first developed as a pedagogical method Prostitutes Venissieux illiterate populations of the third world, inspired by "liberation theology", and theorized by the Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire The culmination of a synthesis of Sartrian existentialism, progressive Christian humanism, and revolutionary Marxism, this approach Prostitutes Venissieux widely disseminated in the s in movements which, often directly linked, like the Nid, to Action catholique, intervened in favor of marginalized groups.

The consciousness-raising approach advocates establishing relations with the groups it addresses Prostitutes Venissieux are less paternalistic than those of more traditional approaches: people Prostitutes Venissieux not to be guided according to a preestablished, external model of "liberation", but rather provided with the Prostitutes Venissieux of "personally becoming conscious" of the situation of "alienation" they are in and "defining for themselves the means of liberating themselves Prostitutes Venissieux their oppression".

More specifically, the Nid activists saw their role as one of actively supporting the prostitutes so as to facilitate their "self-organizing", with the Prostitutes Venissieux that this would open the way to their "liberation":. It was about how people who are oppressed take themselves in hand in order to become the authors of their own liberation. They shouldn't wait for liberation from others who would bend over them and say, in a highly paternalistic way, "We have brought you your.

Instead, "You yourselves are the artisans of your liberation" [ It's not up to us to do everything for them; they themselves must be the artisans of their action". Rather than an enlightened "avant-garde", the Nid activists thought of themselves as playing a back-up or service role, and intended by that approach to Prostitutes Venissieux the prostitutes free to control their action while preventing them from committing the blunders that their inexperience predisposed them to.

In practice this was particularly difficult because of the different levels of competence in collective action matters distinguishing novice prostitutes from seasoned activists. By affecting to adopt a non-directive Prostitutes Venissieux, one respectful of the prostitutes' autonomy, while toning down the most dissuasive aspects of their own organization's identity since a majority of the prostitutes in fact did not wish to cease their activitythe Lyon activists were able to make themselves acceptable as allies to women a priori reluctant to become involved with an association that had a reputation for moralizing and being sanctimonious, for whom the preestab- lished imperative was an end to all prostitution, and with whom Prostitutes Venissieux had had only distant relations before: "The people in the Nid [ So I think that was why everyone -most [of the prostitutes]- decided to spend a bit of time with them over there.

The prostitutes' overt will to preserve their autonomy should not, however, prevent us from seeing the work done by the abolitionists to shape their demands. Those would have been the first steps in normalizing things, which in the short term might have satisfied them in the Prostitutes Venissieux. The relations between the prostitutes and Nid activists thus seem to have become those of "collusion" Dobry,pp.

Each of the partner groups showed itself capable of respecting the implicit principle of mutual non-interference: the abolitionists accepted never to raise the question of procurers Prostitutes Venissieux didn't show the least curiosity in this matter, tacitly agreeing to "close their eyes" to the logic and stakes internal to the prostitution world, while the prostitutes, working side by side with the Nid activists, abandoned all demands Prostitutes Venissieux official recognition of their activity as an "occupation in its own right", thus enabling the Nid activists Prostitutes Venissieux support Prostitutes Venissieux without seeming to work toward goals Prostitutes Venissieux went directly counter to their organization's official positions.

Prostitutes Venissieux to this mutual precluding of potential sources of conflict, it seemed to each of the two partner groups that the alliance did not imperil their respective internal Prostitutes Venissieux, and this in turn strengthened the perception on both sides that a common action was feasible. Ill-adapted feminist support. As an organization, the Nid was specifically and exclusively concerned with prostitution.

The ten or so Lyon feminists who mobilized for the prostitutes' cause demonstrated their support in concrete terms by collecting funds, putting up signs and banners outside the church, and passing out leaflets.

While its support of Ulla and her companions' impulse to protest didn't Prostitutes Venissieux without saying, 24 it was greatly facilitated by its members' Prostitutes Venissieux familiarity with the prostitution world. This was not the case for the gauchiste and feminist organizations and activists who began supporting the prostitutes after their occupation of the church became known.

The Prostitutes of Lyon Speak () | MUBI

Their support was not immediate, as the utter Prostitutes Venissieux of the movement caused strong uncertainty about its legitimacy as well as how sound it was, tactically, to support it.

Given the stigmata ordinarily attaching to the world of prostitution and the other activists' unfamiliarity with this social world, Prostitutes Venissieux found themselves with the problem of not really knowing what the movement was about. The routine cognitive touchstones that usually enabled them to "frame" Goffman's term; social movements as soon as they appeared and made it possible for rival organizations within a single political movement to evaluate each other were of no use here; Prostitutes Venissieux in turn meant that overt support represented a political risk that was difficult to assess.

The prostitutes clearly perceived this hesitation: "All the left and extreme-left press were elbowing each other to come see us.

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The political parties wanted to understand our motives. Why had Prostitutes Venissieux taken on such a struggle? It really worried them. Rumors that Prostitutes Venissieux movement was being "manipulated" by certain procurers took on great importance in evaluating how appropriate it was to support the prostitutes.

The members of the Lyon feminist movement could nonetheless Prostitutes Venissieux remain indifferent long to the church-occupiers' cause.

Still, the feminists' discourse often seemed out of tune and Prostitutes Venissieux of touch with the prostitutes' demands. The ten or so Lyon feminists who mobilized for the prostitutes' cause demonstrated their support in concrete terms by Prostitutes Venissieux funds, putting up signs and banners outside the church, and passing out leaflets.

They justified Prostitutes Venissieux solidarity in the Prostitutes Venissieux terms: "An analysis of the similarities between the oppressed situation of prostituted women, on the one hand, and that of 'wives, mothers, and women workers', on the other. As Luc Boltanski has shownin order to be recognized as valid and be followed, the cause of a group as clearly marked by indignity and social "pettiness" as prostitutes has to be de-singularized and broadened by relating it to a higher level of generality -here "all women".

Still, the feminists soon found themselves confronted with the fundamental ambiguity of their support. They were, of course, ready to defend the prostitutes against police repression, but they rejected any defense of prostitution as such.

It quickly became clear that Prostitutes Venissieux prostitutes' protest was aimed above all at facilitating the exercise of what they considered their craft by ensuring greater safety, putting an end to police bookings, and getting prison sentences. This contradiction is clearly expressed in the following account by one of the feminists: "What Prostitutes Venissieux women of Saint-Nizier wanted was not what we Prostitutes Venissieux.

We didn't really know if we should support the prostitutes' struggle Prostitutes Venissieux In sum, they wanted to be able to practice their occupation in good conditions, and we, even though we didn't actually say it, wanted that occupation to disappear.

The feminists' support of the prostitutes ultimately seems to have been their response to a kind of unexpected opportunity to act which it was impossible for them not to seize.

Because the prostitutes' protest "spoke" to certain feminist preoccupations, these activists were moved to join a mobilization begun by others and to try to give it their own definition.

This is clearly expressed by one feminist activist, according to whom the support given to the prostitutes was essentially non-premeditated and due to the immediate context: "We got involved in the debate on prostitution because the prostitutes' movement Prostitutes Venissieux happening. It wasn't, at the time, [ The struggle to legalize abortion, which had taken up the greater Prostitutes Venissieux of French feminist effort over Prostitutes Venissieux preceding years, had been won: in February the parliament had adopted Simone Veil's bill on "voluntary pregnancy interruption".

The women's movement was therefore still in a state of mobilization and full of activist potential, but it was, in a way, without a cause; it Prostitutes Venissieux under these circumstances that it turned its attention to the prostitutes. Moreover, the feminists' Prostitutes Venissieux would prove ephemeral: summer vacation was near at hand the majority of the feminists worked in the French educational systemand when it came it had the effect, at least in Lyon, of demobilizing this fraction of the movement's support.

The fact that the prostitutes' mobilization gave rise to competition between different "sources of support" was not its most remarkable feature. We notice, moreover, that in spite of the significant differences in frames of reference and types of discourse, feminists and abolitionists had highly similar visions of prostitution, both groups perceiving the prostitutes' "own good" to lie in their ceasing an activity viewed as intrinsically negative.

The originality of the movement lay, instead, in the fact that the protest group and its allies were guided by diametrically opposed objectives. Whereas Ulla and her colleagues were demanding to be able to continue to Prostitutes Venissieux themselves without police repression or exposure of their activity to those closest to them, what their different sources of support sought above all -more or less implicitly- was to provide them with the means to quit the street. This divergence, while taking Prostitutes Venissieux form Prostitutes Venissieux and thus easier to spot is probably, to varying degrees, a feature of most movements that bring together actors belonging to different social worlds in support what of they all represent more or less clearly or justifiably as the "same" cause.

Quite the contrary, it invites the sociologist of collective action to envisage such actions as the culmination of a process that has created a relation of interdependence between actors guided by highly heterogeneous practical logics and senses of what is at stake and what is to be worked for. The definition of the aims or ends that a social movement means to accomplish, like the definition of its "meaning", is never an unequivocal given, stable and shared by all involved; quite the contrary, it is one of the major issues and stakes of Prostitutes Venissieux a movement, and, through the struggles it provokes between rival protagonists, one of the principle "engines" of the movement's internal dynamics.

Prostitutes Venissieux means that there is a Prostitutes Venissieux chance that a social movement's objectives will be redefined, modified, contested, and reevaluated in the course of the action itself. Those objectives cannot, therefore, be considered transparent Prostitutes Venissieux taken for granted; nor can they be seen as the fruit of the analysis which the sociologist, assuming an "overview" position, Prostitutes Venissieux posteriori and from the Prostitutes Venissieux, makes of that movement.

Centre dramatique national de Normandie-Rouen.

Taking into account the real heterogeneity or "dispersion" Dobry,p. There is no doubt that such a research approach, in its attempt to truly integrate Prostitutes Venissieux diversity of the various projects, perception schemata and tactical aims that lead disparate individuals or groups to try to coordinate their actions within the same mobilized collective, Prostitutes Venissieux in the future shed new light on processes of alliance and coalition -those very processes that, in texts on collective action, are still too often envisaged exclusively in terms of their favorable Jenkins and Perrow, ; Cress and Snow, or damaging Marx and Useem, ; McAdam, ; Jenkins and Eckert, ; Taylor, effects on mobilizations.

As mentioned, the Lyon prostitutes were evicted from Saint-Nizier church a week after occupying it. During the summer and fall of Prostitutes Venissieux struggle continued. Meanwhile, the government commissioned a report on the issue from a magistrate named Guy Pinot. Pinot's Prostitutes Venissieux d'information sur la prostitution"presented in Prostitutes Venissieuxproposed a number of measures for regulating prostitution that came close to meeting the prostitutes' demands.

The report was never examined in the ministerial committee and was ultimately interpreted by all the protagonists as Prostitutes Venissieux maneuver to "bury" the problems raised by the mobilization.

Weakened both by the disengagement of some of its resource-providing sources of support, such as the leftist and feminist groups, who quickly turned to "causes" closer to their traditional preoccupations, and the prostitutes' own inability to organize in a way that would give them both autonomy and stability, the movement had died out by spring Just Prostitutes Venissieux "successful" mobilizations are more attractive to analysts than those that fail or come to an end before reaching their objectives, so a movement's emergence and development phases generally elicit more commentary than the conditions Prostitutes Venissieux its decline or failure.

Once again, it is to my mind by attending to the specificities of the social worlds within which processes of collective action develop -or don't- that we will be able to identify some of the determining factors of the prostitutes' inability Prostitutes Venissieux prolong their movement. One of the most decisive of these is no doubt the quick disengagement of the movement's main leaders, who abandoned the movement a few months Prostitutes Venissieux. Barbara, Coninck C. Boltanski L.

Chazel F. Boudon Prostitutes Venissieux. Chazel dir. Cress D. Dobry M. Favre dir. Duyvendak J. Nouveaux mouvements sociaux en France, Prostitutes Venissieux, L'Harmattan.

Le camionettes de prostituées dérangent (Lyon)

Fillieule O. Freire Prostitutes Venissieux. Gamson W. Goffman E. Grignon C, Hirschman, A. Jenkins J. C, Perrow C, Kurzman C, Marx G. Mathieu L. McCarthy J. Mann P. Mauger G. Neveu E. Oberschall A. Olson, M. We all sell ourselves to some extent. Prostitutes get a bad wrap; pushed around by society, and driven into such profession; left high and dry - a Prostitutes Venissieux - to be discarded by the unremorseful. Fascinating documentary of these prostitutes' experience. Some of them were incredibly articulate.

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Gay modeling in internet is getting more popular all the time and it's a big market alongside with gay porn. McCarthy, M. Entirely lacking the components that distinguish "true" demonstrations from informal rallies -a significant number of participants; signs and banners; slogan-chanting; a self-policing team- and publicly perceived as illegitimate and laughable, this aborted march shows by its very failure that any demonstration presupposes a minimal degree of practical mastery of the form.