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In this game the authorities set the course. The Florentines rendered thanks to God for their defeat.

Their supremacy as modes of commemoration in the Renaissance witnessed the increasingly aristocratic character of those societies, ones Prostitutes Ivrea citizens rarely participated in the victories they vaunted. But all the festive races of Prostitutes Ivrea early period deserve close attention because they were formative acts of civil memory and identity in an age when youth, ribalds, and prostitutes actually helped make that civil Prostitutes Ivrea. It is in this period that one finds the insults of war and society most naively linked.

Let us review the evidence for races in Italian towns during these formative centuries, beginning with equestrian contests. We know nothing about early marketing races, a type documented in England by 1 1 73 88 ; Italian sources of the time mention only festive ones, though fairs and feste commonly overlapped. The oldest known are those staged in twelfth-century Pisa. They had Prostitutes Ivrea provided by a private individual whose liberality was lauded in otherwise forgettable verse The first reference to the Sienese Palio emerges a century later : a government document shows the communal government regulating what was apparently a civic race, since it sentenced a rider or owner who, though he came in last, refused to publicly accept the insulting prize of a pig which that placement required Thus in the earliest known civic Palio, honorable riders were dishonored if they came in last.

Well beforewhen we begin to find mounted men insulting enemies in the field, they were being insulted Prostitutes Ivrea the city and resenting it. Soon Prostitutes Ivrea, town laws regulating these Palios start to Prostitutes Ivrea. A Paduan law of or a Veronese law predating holds right of place, and they are soon followed by a Ferrarese statute of and innumerable laws and statutes thereafter In general, these laws prescribe procedures for registering for the races and their dates and times.

They warn the racers not to go outside the established courses, and prohibit obstacles being put in the way by Prostitutes Ivrea or bystanders Finally, they spell out the prizes, occasionally describing the bestowal of the last- place prize in such a way as to show that it remained an occasion for ridicule, in one case until the end of the fourteenth century Like some non-equestrian races, the Palios could still be run outside town, the finish line being at some point in the city or at a gate.

But the trend Prostitutes Ivrea toward running them within and across the city. The courses were almost uniformly linear rather than circular Surprisingly, foot races seem to have been communally regulated as early as were horse races in Italy : the Veronese law referred to above, for example, ordains a foot race along with the horse race.

For while the winner of the foot race obviously received a lesser prize than Prostitutes Ivrea the equestrian victor - a collective insult to those who went on foot, to be sure - Prostitutes Ivrea loser received a personally insulting prize, a cock, as did his equestrian counterpart a pig or side of ham.

The value Prostitutes Ivrea poultry Prostitutes Ivrea a pedestrian loser certainly might outweigh any symbolic Prostitutes Ivrea, although Boccaccio had heard that the shaming that accompanied losing was so great as to dissuade all but the most confident from entering But what.

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By the fourteenth century most evidence of insulting last-place prizes for the domestic horse racers had vanished. For their part none of the insulting races in the field left evidence of such losers' prizes having been bestowed before they too disappear from the sources after Prostitutes Ivrea Excavating these comparabilities between early mounted and foot contests is especially important because a later age, beginning with Matteo Villani, wanted to remember a different past when communes Prostitutes Ivrea have been poor - and thus ran foot races to celebrate victories - but were always decent.

These augurs sometimes involved animals, perhaps explaining in part why in their entree human prisoners were calculatedly treated like animals.

Thus just as later historians with dubious accuracy traced horse races back to victories, so the Veronese footrace would be explained as commemorating an equestrian victory ofand a male foot race in Bologna allegedly harkened back to a victory over Faenza in Prostitutes Ivrea commemorations of poor but decent young communes were one thing, the historical reality Prostitutes Ivrea something else, and it furnishes us a last Prostitutes Ivrea between early foot and equestrian races in the city.

Prostitutes Ivrea for Villani, the Florentine record shows that his undoubtedly opulent homeland had instituted a lowly foot race to commemorate its most glorious equestrian triumph, the victory at Campaldino on the feast of S. Barnaba in ; so we must surmise from the fact that such a race was in place just 36 years later. This is the more striking because the most aristocratic group in the city, the Parte Guelfa, claimed that Prostitutes Ivrea and the saint as its own Probably some of the early festive Palios men.

But the Florentine victory celebration for Campaldino is one of the earliest we can rely on to have Prostitutes Ivrea so, and it was run on foot. The fact is that both horse and foot races were thought to suitably commemorate equestrian as well as pedestrian victories. The odds are that in these early commemorations as well as in the early festive races whose commemorative character is uncertain, not only losers of foot races, but those who failed equestrian contests, were insulted.

The comparable antiquity, prizes, and commemorative functions of horse and foot races in the thirteenth century raise a serious problem of interpretation given the undoubted antipedestrian social prejudice of this age as well as later ones. What stands in Prostitutes Ivrea way of comprehending this comparability, I submit, is the nature of what was being remembered.

Before examining that question in detail, let me state my hypothesis. Some civic races aped not the battle that ended in victory but insulting military theatre, one performed, we recall, by marginal social groups in incursions and sieges that usually did not end in victory over an opposing army and Prostitutes Ivrea were not formally commemorated by festivities.

Even after the demise of insult theatres in the field, this Prostitutes Ivrea argues, horse, foot, and other types of festive races continued to insult both the foreign enemy and the marginal social groups who themselves had insulted the military enemy in the field.

The stage was the city, but the goal remained the control of all enemies of civic regimes. Two facts link together field and piazza in this argument. First, the festive races Prostitutes Ivrea the Italian cities commemorated past victories over both foreign Prostitutes Ivrea domestic enemies.

Second, they celebrated past and future victories over both those political factions and over the young, over women, and over the poor. At first glance, the fabled Palios of the Renaissance seem to prove that honor is possible without insult irrespective of what the races commemorated.

If our narratives are any guide, the insulting prizes for last place are gone, and the traditional practice of trying to impede the racers has vanished. Internally, such races seem models of probity, indeed their competitive character is increasingly compromised as first one and then another ruler Prostitutes Ivrea to make their shows " more decent " : Prostitutes Ivrea races were not "fixed" so as to honor particular persons, the winner might "spontaneously" offer his prize to an honorable person anyway As was evident in the increasingly elaborate parades that preceded them, some Palios had become pompous international displays in which each great lord insisted that his horse and colors be fittingly marched through the streets.

Goro Dati's famous account of Florence's San Giovanni Palio about leaves no doubt that the crowds loved this proper Prostitutes Ivrea so seemingly devoid of Prostitutes Ivrea. Nevertheless, Renaissance Palios continued to insult so as to create honor. Let us leave to one side the outrightly burlesque horse races funded by communes like Florence, in which old nags were whipped through the streets perhaps to celebrate a Prostitutes Ivrea victory in the field or the Prostitutes Ivrea of a tyrant at home; their documentation is weak and their international relevance uncertain We need only examine the most renowned Palios of undisputed international character to see that they continued to bear, and to generate, the baggage Prostitutes Ivrea insult.

Since I have studied the evidence for this fact extensively in previous work, it is enough here to make two general points, the first regarding commemoration. The Palios that were instituted from the beginning to the end of our period to Prostitutes Ivrea victories commemorated defeats as well, as the trophies and offerings of subject cities during these festivities demonstrate Yet history regularly became hostage to changing realities and "perpetual memories" had to be altered because of new alliances.

Thus Siena stopped Prostitutes Ivrea its defeat of Florence when it. To the extent that a city's self -identity was bound up in its military victories, therefore, it was constantly being deconstructed. Second, these commemorative Palios like any other that attracted international visitors gave offense to some of them because of the necessity of precedential arrangements in the parades and the potential for failure in the races themselves Representing one's friends also showed one's enemies; ordering the former for display showed who was the greater and lesser friend.

It had been true in the military Palios of the field in an earlier time ; it remained true in the spectacles of the Renaissance. Together, historical associations and contemporary diplomatic considerations meant that the Palios never lost the derisive quality that was the structural frame for the honors they Prostitutes Ivrea.

This fact is doubly important Prostitutes Ivrea of the domestic motivations for Palios. Perhaps in the old days these annual races had provided one means of assuaging the hatreds generated by civil conflicts, but what is sure is that governments sometimes instituted palios to perpetually commemorate victories over domestic enemies.

These races remained political because the enemy remained within. According to the Paduan tradition, for example, one of that city's Palios was instituted to commemorate the "election" of Giacomo the Great della Carrara. That is, the feast commemorated the humiliation of his opponents In Siena as well, the regime in began an annual Palio to commemorate its suppression of a Salimbeni conspiracy The practice lasted.

Prostitutes Ivrea commemorative horse races evidently combined diplomatic and domestic motifs. This could be true both by way of their Prostitutes Ivrea - as when Florence's commemoration of the expulsion of its French tyrant Walter of Brienne angered the house of France and the pope - and by way of their ongoing execution, which annually insulted that Florentine faction that had Prostitutes Ivrea with Brienne and now had to watch The horse race was not the only means of perpetually insulting civic enemies, to Prostitutes Ivrea sure, but it is an especially significant one.

If a fundamental characteristic of any military or domestic race is to delegitimate anyone else's right to space during Prostitutes Ivrea course, a horse race in city streets does so in a particularly aggressive and almost irresistible fashion.

The burlesque commemoration of the expulsion of the Duke of Athens from Florence in also expressly remembered the fact that the "good men" had at the same time suppressed the "bad men" of the lower classes and the youth of good family who had sided Prostitutes Ivrea Brienne Again ina Florentine regime established feast days, if not a Palio, to commemorate the suppression of the Ciompi wool carders four years before The Prostitutes Ivrea of Palios instituted for this purpose obviously is sketcy and will have to be hardened Prostitutes Ivrea further research.

Yet in any case, strife with marginal groups in cities was as much structural and futuristic as it was historical in character. While one could define a buon comune as a political class at peace with itself and its neighbors, the idea of buon comune also meant Prostitutes Ivrea the political males. Now since fourteenth-century cities at war used representatives of this age group, sex, and lower class their youth, the prostitutes, and the ribalds to express their despisal of foreign antagonists, it is not Prostitutes Ivrea that they used their civic festivals to express their hatred and fear of both types of opponents.

On closer examination, the symmetry will prove impressive : especially the ribalds and prostitutes who in the Prostitutes Ivrea proved important to creating honor for the civic fathers will, in the festival, increase the latters' honor through their infame behavior.

In the histories of late medieval and early modern festive races, Pope Paul II 's important decree of establishing a cycle of seven races for Rome has taken on a constitutive character that is easily exaggerated. Prostitutes Ivrea of the races and indeed the festive package as a whole had significant precedents Prostitutes Ivrea Italy when not in Rome itself, and we shall review them in the following pages.

Further, this decree tells us nothing about the motivation informing the different races, and ridicule was central : notoriously so to the races of the Jews and the elderly so capably studied by Mar- tine Boiteux, but perhaps no less marked in those meant for lower- Prostitutes Ivrea Christian participants. In Rome as elsewhere, these participants are Prostitutes Ivrea called "youth" or "women" in decrees but were ribalds and prostitutes in fact Like many such decrees, this one proves more interesting in the omission.

Only by deduction, for example, can one determine that the group that did the ridiculing did not race : as actually executed, the four human races in the cycle had male participants up to thirty and beyond fifty years of age, Prostitutes Ivrea none, not even Jews, between those ages Finally, the decree does not hint at the domestic judicial use to which such.

Without any doubt, the Renaissance witnessed a growing formalization of public insult practices in Prostitutes Ivrea life, and Paul II's decree is a part of that process.

But we shall view these developments in their relation to that most acceptable form of justice, the violence that one used against foreign and domestic enemies. The history of festive races by infame groups in cities begins inat almost the same point, that is, as do documents on insult Prostitutes Ivrea in general. In that year the authorities of Perigeaux provided "alms" for the "women" who took part in the race on the carnival feast of the Baco That these women were actually prostitutes is suggested by a similar caritative institution we encounter in Parma in Two Prostitutes Ivrea in that town that wanted to represent a queen and the empress in street theatre recruited prostitutes for Prostitutes Ivrea roles.

They were promised dowries if they took on the tasks, and these were then raised at the offertory of a mass the bishop sang for the neighbors Though this was theatre and not a race, the caritative theme Parma had in common with Perigeaux suggests that the French city's "women" were whores as well.

Giving alms to convert prostitutes may have been, after all, the most common form of public charity for women at this time. The first firmly documented Italian race of the infame was already customary when it is mentioned in an Prostitutes Ivrea law of In this town as elsewhere the town prostitutes were supervised by a King of the Ribalds here also called the podestas meretricumchosen from among the town criers.

This official had as his salary the receipts from all the fines levied on the prostitutes, and from that income he was required Prostitutes Ivrea year to buy a mazena or tnezena a drinking bowl? According to a later statute, a second race of prostitutes was run on the feast of the Assumption August 15one done alongside a race of pimps and ribalds The earliest narrative account of such races is from Pavia in the following year Prostitutes Ivrea it and the Ivrean race, it should be noted, are thus contemporary to the earliest accounts of prostitutes racing in military Prostitutes Ivrea.

The Pavian chronicler notes that the citizens of that town held a horse race each year to honor the city's ancient patron, S. Siri, and that in conjunction with the horse race the town Prostitutes Ivrea foot races involving Prostitutes Ivrea ribalds and public women" Thus the earliest Italian evidence for races of the infame shows both groups of Prostitutes Ivrea racing for the delectation of the Prostitutes Ivrea, the females being supervised by their judge, the King of the Ribalds.

This chronicler does not say that a victory was also commemorated, but the celebration of a patron saint required no less "decent" a representation. Thus it is certainly interesting to find ribalds and prostitutes running races on the saint's day at the same time others of them honored the communes Prostitutes Ivrea they resided by running insult races against enemies in the field, and these ribaldic domestic races are the more interesting because we now know that foot races Prostitutes Ivrea used at the time to commemorate equestrian military victories.

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Does any contemporary chronicler actually say that the ribalds or prostitutes, who in civic festivities always seem to have raced on foot and not mounted, did so to honor a saint or Prostitutes Ivrea victory? To the contrary : both. It is precisely that caution that is the key to unlocking the problem of the infame honoring the commune in an age of anti-pedestrian bias.

We have seen that official sources commonly describe races that were actually run by the infame as being those of the "women" and "youth", as if, in an ideal world, all the "decent" residents of a town, including those on foot, would contribute to thanking the divinities.

Yet Prostitutes Ivrea the world as it actually was only the infame stepped forward to represent those " decent Prostitutes Ivrea pedestrians. What Matteo Villani had not been willing to say was Prostitutes Ivrea the foot race that honored the equestrian victory of Campaldino was probably run by what Prostitutes Ivrea considered Prostitutes Ivrea dregs of society. Perhaps in Florence, but certainly in Pavia to the discomfort of its chronicler, ribalds and prostitutes celebrated the city before the saint in the same form that they did in the field in insulting the nemy.

Prostitutes Ivrea patrons loved to be avenged, whatever the sensibilities of status-conscious reporters. The tell-tale sign is the replication in the city of a cycle of formal insults used in warfare, and vice versa. The formal insult races of war ended aroundbut their performances continued in the Renaissance city, in a period, that is, when Prostitutes Ivrea cities' residents left military life to mercenaries.

Contemporary to the earliest appearance of prostitute races in Vienna, the first documented Prostitutes Ivrea of prostitutes in that festive capital of Renaissance Italy, Ferrara, is documented in In Giangaleazzo Visconti added a race per mulieres et pedester to the existing horse race and male foot race at Verona, suggesting that such Prostitutes Ivrea female race may already have been in place in Viscontean Milan These female races must have been humiliating from the start, for the authorities in both cities were soon protest.

The Veronese statute of said that prizes should go only to "decent women, even if there be but one of them" This represented a hilarious type of double Prostitutes Ivrea, for when the "women" in this race were not prostitutes they were male transvestites The matter was little different in Ferrara, whose Palazzo Schifanoia was now frescoed with that city's festive cycle of mounted horse and ass as well as pedestrian races of youth, elders, and prostitutes Pi.

The significance of these concerns is nowhere clearer than in the council debates of Brescia, whose citizens from enjoyed, but whose friars denounced, a bull run on the eve and a race of prostitutes Prostitutes Ivrea the feast of the Virgin's Assumption. Clarity about the sexual character of such races was not Prostitutes Ivrea. Just three years before, in fact, a communal law suppressed the butchers' bull run on the Virgin's feast because it insulted her : " for bulls should be mated with cows, as the Prostitutes Ivrea [and our law] says, not with virgins "!

We need always look beneath or sources. As is Prostitutes Ivrea known, the Magdalene was the whores' patron saint. Thus the theme of alms for prostitutes engaging in "shameful" festivities continued. Prostitutes Ivrea intention of charity was not antithetical to that of public lasciviousness. Indeed to this day male brotherhoods raise money for the disadvantaged by sponsoring peep shows. Races of prostitutes were no stranger to the Papal States : in mid- fifteenth century Foligno such women raced for three different Prostitutes Ivrea of a practical nature on the patronal feast of S.

Yet while the court of Pope Pius II patronized a cycle of races by nude Prostitutes Ivrea and youth at its town of Pienza inneither here nor in Paul II's decree of does one find mention of a race of prostitutes.

Rome was latest, but it is not least Prostitutes Ivrea our review of women's races. I refer here to the public races of the sixteenth century, and not to the races of "decent prostitutes" or courtesans held in the Prostitutes Ivrea apartments in In it was "customary" to run prostitute races that started at the pyramid of the Borgo Prostitutes Ivrea ended in St. Peter's square on December 29, and no later than prostitute competitions were part of the Pauline cycle of carnival races.

At that date first Jews, then children, then youth, Prostitutes Ivrea then the elderly ran nude, while the prostitutes raced in their underclothes The races in the papal apartments ofon the other hand. This chronology of festive races by marginal groups has opened up historical and psychological questions whose answers must await later research; the pressing questions of this paper are rather structural in nature.

It is clear, for example, that such insulting races continued for another century at least : Martine Boiteux traces the slow decline of the races of Jews Prostitutes Ivrea elderly at Rome, while the prostitutes of Aries were still running on Pentecost at the end of the sixteenth century and those of Padua still enlivened the feast of the Virgin's Assumption in In Germany the races are documented till the end of the seventeenth century, while the Prostitutes Ivrea of Lucerne continued them till the French Revolution But a proper history of such races remains to be written, and students even of the period I Prostitutes Ivrea surveyed will certainly find much more evidence.

The relative paucity of psychological information in my sources will discourage later psychohistorians, but has actually facilitated my structural approach. Doubtless attitudes toward public nudity in these races changed : in a rare personal account, Pius II described the nude male races of Pienza with no hint anyone was shamed, whereas eighteenth- century English women were said to be shamed by similar races But the sources Prostitutes Ivrea our period rarely penetrate the world of collective or individual Prostitutes Ivrea of festive shame.

They do insist that ribalds and prostitutes volunteered for the races rather than being Prostitutes Ivrea, but even if true, that tells us nothing about their shame : volunteers commonly do things perceived as shameful because they need the money, and constraint then and now does not imply shame nor an absence of enjoyment either for participants or audience. Our concern in any case has been the phenomenon of races by legally Prostitutes Ivrea social groups that were sponsored by civic authorities, ones in which patrons and audience intended to humiliate the Prostitutes Ivrea by their dress or lack of it, and by the course of the race itself.

The most tangible aspect Prostitutes Ivrea these races were their cultural and social structures of diplomacy, generations, classes, and sexes operating in a dynamic Prostitutes Ivrea context.

In surveying the theatre of military insults, that dynamism was particularly evident, for in the violence of war, Prostitutes Ivrea group activities actively mediated changes in the relations between cities.

Now we see that the same activities in the civic festivals assumed Prostitutes Ivrea similar function. The races of ribalds and prostitutes in the cities represented a continuation Prostitutes Ivrea the social war by other means. No document can more vividly lead into a closer examination of the parameters of this war in the city than an Ivrean statute of early date described by Durando and dealing with women as a Prostitutes Ivrea. According to it, a woman of this town who began to live badly ran the following risk : authorized by the government, the professional prostitutes and their King had the right to march to her house to the sound of bells and trombones, and then Prostitutes Ivrea a public example seize and take her to the brothel Echoes and sights of inverse military triumphs reverberate : the Pe- rugian prostitutes on their horses, those others on their doubly-insulting asses, mocking grave male governors rendered female!

Now here in this quasi-festive Ivrean inversion, where brazen public prostitutes as police and judge inflicted an infame punishment on a proper woman, that woman, rendered ignoble by the insult, stood for all women as had conquered foreign governors. Conversely, in the world turned right side up the public prostitute in the city stood as a warning and example to all women as she raced and as she was punished : " ad conf Prostitutes Ivrea earum [meretricum], " a Brescian decree authorizing the prostitutes' race in said, " et bonarum mulierum exemplum Though dealing with social outcasts, this article glosses relations within civil society.

Festive races of ribalds and prostitutes, we have argued, replicated and commemorated similar military performances. Yet the following pages will show that the festive vocabulary also echoed the world of judicial punishment in the city.

Roma: massaggi a luci rosse

Forcing the guilty to run nude through the streets and often beating them as they did so was a typical form of medieval punishment of the infame. Any contemporary man or woman watching a festive race of marginals would have seen it through eyes accustomed to the theatre of judicial punishment. Looking outward to the military race, and laterally to civic judicial punishments, we see the violence against marginal groups Prostitutes Ivrea the festivities as a more total statement Prostitutes Ivrea the relations of the rulers to the ruled.

Publicly beating nude or semi-nude adulterous men and women has been traced back to the Germans Tacitus, Germania, eh. Once established, however, this link between racing and whipping became so strong as to be linguistically one in some areas. Aubenas for example discovered that in the different redactions of the statutes of Narbonne, the Latin version used the word for whipping while the vulgar version used the word course Historians from patriarchal societies Prostitutes Ivrea stop at this point, since female adultery especially is thought to cast a woman outside the bounds of civilized Prostitutes Ivrea.

Yet the punishments meted out to adulters were in fact the standard penalties for ribalds and Prostitutes Ivrea, that is, for the infame Rather than being cast out of society, the Ivrean woman paraded by that town's prostitutes, for example, was actually "cast into" marginal social groups by the recognizable set of punishments inflicted on her.

Certainly rich women by paying a fine could often avoid the infamity prescribed by the laws of Languedoc Prostitutes Ivrea of Italy, and Aubenas found that this option, written into the laws of the former area, was usually chosen by adultresses But the poor "honest" women forced to supplement their. Poor is poor. Thus some Prostitutes Ivrea the social significance of the prostitutes' festive Prostitutes Ivrea is found embedded in the punishment Prostitutes Ivrea wayward "decent" women.

A further layer of their significance appears in the sexual, as distinct from status, polarities of that same judicial practice. Repeatedly, the functionary in charge of infame punishments like whipping but also public hangings and decapitations was the King of the Ribalds, and the persons who carried them out are called ribalds.

In Toulouse the rex ribaldorum and the borellus or executioner were the same persons, and in Piedmontese Savigliano Prostitutes Ivrea factor justiciarum was identical with the prince of the ribalds Recall this official's erstwhile military role.

At least until in France, he ruled Prostitutes Ivrea lowest group in the army, which everywhere included male ribalds, guastatori, and thieves, and female prostitutes. We have hypothesized that the King of the Ribalds originally ruled the female campfollowers indirectly through his command over the pimps among the ribalds, punishing both with summary military justice.

Finally, while noting that by the fifteenth century, upwardly mobile bureau. As we continue to watch the King of the Ribalds act as general communal executioner, note now that his daily as distinct from occasional judicial task in scores of Italian and French towns and courts was to supervise the residents of the brothels.

We have seen him making his living from the fines and tariffs he collected from them. In some towns his right to administer corporal punishment to his charges was Prostitutes Ivrea or nonexistent, but in many Prostitutes Ivrea places the prostitutes had to obey him under penalty of his whipping Now the profile of King of the Ribalds appears sharper : captain, policeman, and judge in the Prostitutes Ivrea and brothel, he Prostitutes Ivrea the less reached across social borders to punish the other males and females.

His threat to good men gone bad, one actualized in his role as public executioner, was only the ancient title itself, for I have Prostitutes Ivrea unable to find him supervising urban pimps. But this general executioner's threat to good women who dared to fall, that is, to women at large, was quite tangible. Not only did he rule and often punish prostitutes. As in Ivrea, he Prostitutes Ivrea lead his charges to the home of a " decent " Prostitutes Ivrea.

In fencing off the race courses of the marginal groups, civic regimes described the limits of respectability. Even as they were ridiculed, the.

The values these races structured are best represented in a sexual space that moved from the field to the center. Ribalds exercised vindictam sive iustitiam, to use the words of an Italian document, against the foreign enemy but also against domestic women Like Bandello's "ribaldi sergenti con bastoni e sferze " beating women prisoners, so the urban pimps "percotevano e flagellavano" prostitutes The King of the Ribalds - perhaps a solid citizen - beat men and women in the field and then in the city forced even those who were said to behave like prostitutes in private to "race through the street with good whippings and good strokes", in the words of a customary of Bordeaux dated Even in the city festival long after the military model for such urban self-definition had vanished, prostitutes, plebeian ribalds, the Jews and the elderly played the parts of the sexual, class, religious and generational enemies of the adult male politicians.

The ritualization of the activities of the Prostitutes Ivrea groups in society was essential to the identity, Prostitutes Ivrea is to the honor, of the civil res.

Prostitutes Ivrea honor was created by its opposite, most commonly but not always by insulting men as women. Inthe Aretines yelled at the stymied Florentine army that its men " preened themselves as women do, combing their long hair" And just the year before, the Luccans delivered a similar, if more subtle, barb.

Seizing a high tower from the Pis- ans, they did not castrate it, as a less resourceful enemy might have done. Instead they hung within it "several mirrors, so that the Pisans would reflect themselves in them". They would look at themselves as did women, and see their whole collectivity shamed by a manly, adult, class power.

At the beginning of this paper, I insisted that city gates should mediate not segregate our understanding of the creation of honor through insult. In subsequent pages, I examined two spaces where that creative activity took place, the field of arms and the civic piazza, and I identified infame or dependent groups within another more abstract space, that of the social margins, as those that mediated the relations between the groups of dominant political males or regimes.

It is at the town gates that the seeming contradiction of using infame groups to produce fame through representation must be resolved, for it is there that the threat to established borders is most evident. Contemporaries knew the charm and danger of gates from the diplomatic realm. If even friendly powers could dishonor their hosts in the highly dynamic politics of a diplomatic reception among other things, they often Prostitutes Ivrea on entering with their buffoons and prostitutesit was doubly challenging to bring a foreign enemy, even a defeated one, into the city in such a way that he did not win at the gates what he had lost in the field The problem of re-integrating Prostitutes Ivrea own marginal groups after a Prostitutes Ivrea campaign was the inverse.

Obviously important to domestic life, Italian youth, ribalds, and prostitutes returned in glory to cities that for their diplomatic and domestic honor and power honored age not youth, stability not ribaldic mobility, masculinity not effeminacy, and most important, governance not whoring merchandizing. To be classed by detractors as citizens of a city that was not even mercantile, but rather meretricious mercatrice, ma che dico, meretrice was perhaps even more insulting than being labelled as a "republic of children", or of workers, or of rustics Presuming that its troops won a "manly" victory, how Prostitutes Ivrea then the city "welcome" foreign enemies and the domestic ones who had insulted them in the field?

To present a coherent picture of contemporary practices supplying answers to Prostitutes Ivrea question, we shall concentrate on three events : the Sienese victory over Florence at MontapertiCastruccio Castracani's return to Lucca after his humiliation of Florence inand the Florentine army's return from Pisa in Two com. First, the city was honored Prostitutes Ivrea humiliating the defeated foreign enemy more animalium, in the contemporary formulation, and second, these diplomatic rites respected social statuses.

The worlds on both sides of the walls prove to be one. The triumph began in the field, which the army's lower echelons swept for spoils that included fallen banners; as we noted earlier, these flags Prostitutes Ivrea then Prostitutes Ivrea hung upside down on the triumphal Prostitutes Ivrea for the entry Prisoners would also be important to the triumphal degradation, and a Sienese Prostitutes Ivrea told how one of that city's campfollowers described as a sutler by this "decent" source on coming upon a group of helpless Florentines after Montaperti, tied them together with her headband and then led then back triumphantly to the Sienese camp "like a flock of Prostitutes Ivrea " ; they would be used on the morrow for the formal reentry We meet again the plebeian woman as heroine, treating the enemy like an animal as she did when she rode him in the insult race.

The entry began, and in the Sienese government ordered everyone out to see the spectacle According to Prostitutes Ivrea Florentine memorialist describing that city's triumph, the purpose of such a theatre was to insure " that everyone great and small could see " the disgrace first at the gates, then in Prostitutes Ivrea parade Prostitutes Ivrea the city Thus the parties to the performance were three : those entering, the government of the city, and its residents.

Derision being the essence of the performance, the government clearly intended to show its domestic as well as foreign enemies what was in store for them if they opposed the regime.

Yet at the same time, the victors softened the enemy's disgrace with liberality, for a topos of these receptions was that it could have gone worse for the foreigners. Thus a Sienese chronicler reported that in it was only the city's gente da bene who prevented the children from mutilating the Florentine captives as they entered It is a message we have already encountered in the insult races of the field, where the race contained the fury of the ribalds, prostitutes, and youth.

The triumphal Prostitutes Ivrea glossed the Prostitutes Ivrea or solid citizens' ability to control urban residents. The residents' insatiable desire to honor their home town stimulated their creativity in representing the enemy at the gates. The symbolic animal of the victim was a prime target. Was the Pisan eagle to enter Prostitutes Ivrea in dead and hanging upside down, or was it to be only tethered alive to a wagon?

A Florentine historian's report that the government earnestly debated the point is quite probable, given the fact that augurs at the gates were crucial to military operations These augurs sometimes involved animals, perhaps explaining in part why in their entree human prisoners Prostitutes Ivrea calculatedly treated like animals.

Jammed into wagons - more than 40 in - they might have their hands Prostitutes Ivrea behind their backs, but very commonly wore halters on their necks like cattle At this point, the prisoners met the city and grovelled before it, and that sometimes meant worshipping the victors' symbolic animal. A Florentine source describing shows each Pisan prisoner approaching Florence's heraldic infant lion at the gate, and kissing its rear while the lion's tail was held up Nor did such theatrical comparisons of enemies to animals always stop there.

Varying the older practice Prostitutes Ivrea selling male and female prisoners as slaves, one that had sometimes involved a race to show who was the healthiest, the victors might force the prisoners' humiliating ransom through a livestock-life Prostitutes Ivrea. In the Sienese did that and more, linking the whole process of ransom to blood sacrifice by the prisoners, the animal blood then being used in the foundation of a city fountain At this point, we forcefully draw the viewer's attention to the class- specific character of the gate insults, for what may appear to be behaviors used between states were actually ones Prostitutes Ivrea only on certain social groups from those communes, just as the insults in the field had discrete Prostitutes Ivrea actors.

Did the victorious Prostitutes Ivrea of Padua Prostitutes Ivrea exalt the Veronese whores so as to Prostitutes Ivrea that city's ruling Scaglieri? Precisely this sense of duty caused dismay when one of Charles d'Anjou's scavenging ribalds was found to have thrown the body of Manfred Prostitutes Ivrea an ass and gone about hawking it to the highest bidder The burghers of Prostitutes Ivrea were no less sensitive.

In a Perugian triumph over Siena inthe victors dragged the flag of Siena along with 48 others through the dirt at the gates, but they exempted the Prostitutes Ivrea of Siena's Prostitutes Ivrea ally Prostitutes Ivrea that indignity Further, high-status prisoners who did undergo the humiliation of a triumph at least rode mounted into town rather than walking or riding in wagons To be sure, the same honor elite are also found riding into town mounted backwards on an ass; the whole interpretation contemporaries put on such mounted representations, and especially on this charivaresque procedure, is difficult to unravel.

When in Prostitutes Ivrea Sien- ese forced two Florentine public officials to enter Siena in this fashion, were they recognizing their social position, or putting them on the despised asses Prostitutes Ivrea make their humiliation all the greater?

Yet in describing the same event, Giovanni Morelli noted that the very captain of the Pisans, mounted on an ass, went in front "vituperously", and Villani himself characterized the whole event as a dispettoso e vile spettacolo Perhaps Villani objected to the blasphemous play on the triumph of Christ, or to such entries' scatological and sodomitic overtones, but he more probably felt a social unease.

If, then, contemporaries had difficulty melding ridicule with status consciousness at the Prostitutes Ivrea, our reading can be scarcely less tentative Prostitutes Ivrea a specific class or status reading of this rite eludes us. For certainly the ass this captain rode was for baggage, Prostitutes Ivrea in the military and domestic theatres of judical insult, the people associated with these animals were male and female ribalds.

Yhe military and triumphal insult may yet prove a missing link in the study of the European charivari Right after the Prostitutes Ivrea victims, the heroes entered the city. Prostitutes Ivrea they carried the palio they might have won in an insult race, but the one event Prostitutes Ivrea has left behind descriptions both of insult races and of the triumph with prisoners that followed does not mention these trophies.

These chroniclers had eyes Prostitutes Ivrea for the juxtaposition of the victorious captain described at another time as entering the city with the canopy.

We Prostitutes Ivrea to the Luccan triumph of Castruccio Castracani in after having humiliated the Florentines with races at their gates. In this case we may follow the humiliation from the gates to the church. Like so Prostitutes Ivrea warriors, this triumphans waited so as to make his humiliation of the enemy that of the civic saint : actually returning to Lucca on November 9, he performed his formal entry two days later, on the feast of the patron, St.

At the front of this parade-procession went the captured Florentine war wagon full of captured banners ; alongside that wagon walked the captured Florentine captain Raimondo, holding erect a large votive candle; behind the wagon walked all the other Florentine troops, bearing smaller candles.

More than to the lord of Lucca and that town's citizens, the chronicler draws our attention to Prostitutes Ivrea Florentines as the celebrants of the victory. On reaching the cathedral, the prisoners with votive candles in hand assisted at a thanksgiving mass as Castracani and his subjects watched The Florentines rendered thanks to God for their defeat.

These images of stone were carried by cattle pulling wagons, and the cows and the wagons were dressed in rose cloth.

Thus in the triumphal re-entry the city built its honor around the humiliation of the vanquished, to the gratification of the marginal classes of the city as to its more honorable residents. Sometimes they might even play virile victors, as did the youngsters who came back with the palio or even knightly spurs, as even the Perugian prostitutes did who re-entered that city in triumph.

Mostly, however, they must have stood on the sidelines vituperating the incoming prisoners, joyously treating them as if they were male or female ribalds. In either case they treated the foreign enemy as if they had their own essential qualities, while the victorious regime treated Prostitutes Ivrea enemy as it festively treated its marginals. In such triumphs, these marginals joined the crowd that watched the blood, coins, chains, and flags of the enemy being buried on and in the foundations of the Prostitutes Ivrea gates and churches Prostitutes Ivrea year on that Prostitutes Ivrea patronal feast, they watched their civic masters dress up prisoners - either war captives or domestic debt prisoners - in funny clothes and hats and offer them their freedom as a votive to the town patron So crucial was the role of the marginal groups in society in performing insults Prostitutes Ivrea all the enemy, including themselves.

Society's marginal groups saw that even more vividly when armies returned home not in triumph but after humiliating defeats. How was the legitimacy of this sissy regime to be salvaged? How could shiny black humiliation be faced if not Prostitutes Ivrea the silence so assiduously cultivated by the chroniclers? The future of the regime and of the Prostitutes Ivrea was crushed, and its youth surely slunk in if they had not fallen prisoners to the enemy.

This marginal group had proven themselves women, so one response was to attack women.

A Bolognese account of that exists because it describes such redemption shows how that was Prostitutes Ivrea 17S. Anticipating a victory celebration, the commune of Bologna Prostitutes Ivrea prepared a tournament in which its young men would essentially re-enact the equestrian skills they had demonstrated in the field. Once the terrible news of defeat arrived, however, the event was cancelled, for silence was obviously called for.

Yet the prostitutes who returned with the humiliated youth could not keep quiet, our source says. Having followed the army coitus causa, they Prostitutes Ivrea boasted about how much money they had made during the campaign.

This in unsurprising, since as we have noted, prostitutes had no real stock in victory or in their cities of residence and would move on soon enough.

Yet they did not leave Bologna soon enough. The city fathers were anxious that, their sons having rendered flacid the virile image of the city, all manner of instability might follow.

The authorities' solution was elegant. Their sons had not been defeated by Prostitutes Ivrea foreign enemy, they implied, but by the internal enemy, the prostitutes who had accompanied their Prostitutes Ivrea. The prostitutes were led to the ringhiera of the public square, where they were whipped repeatedly on their naked breasts. The flagellator was presumably a ribald. I hope Prostitutes Ivrea I have placed this classic case of scapegoating in a structure that makes Prostitutes Ivrea reader ask : why these scapegoats?

In response, it seems to me that the Bolognese humiliation, retrieving civic honor as it. The Bolognese reporter continues, telling how one of the prostitutes died Prostitutes Ivrea day's after this judicial festivity, either because of the whipping, he speculates, "or because she was ashamed to [reveal] her large breasts " Structurally, the chronicler's speculations hardly matter, important as his remark is to our knowledge of contemporary sensibilities.

What is important is that just as regimes revived themselves by humiliating the foreign enemy abroad, so they might maintain themselves inside by the judicial and festive humiliation of their marginals, including those who had honored them outside the city. The latter had served these Prostitutes Ivrea not in victories, we have emphasized, for contemporary political males viewed victories as gained by one group of governors defeating another.

Rather the mounted prostitutes had humiliated the enemy in sieges and incursions short of conquest, and humiliation of the helpless is what men in the city did to footed women or what one class visited on another.

In such societies, the warfare between the honorable Prostitutes Ivrea of contending cities and regimes was of a piece with the war of the fathers with those dependents who were in, Prostitutes Ivrea not of, civil society. Pomp and Revolution. This paper has had three aims. The first has been to describe a Prostitutes Ivrea of military and civic practices of similar form that expressed values of honor and dishonor in collectively significant contexts.

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From this description an historical hypothesis Prostitutes Ivrea : that a vocabulary of insults is found in the field contemporaneously, but perhaps at times even before a similar vocabulary emerged in the city.

The sequel to these origins is however all but hypothetical : the military theatre of insult vanishes from the sources, and perhaps Prostitutes Ivrea did disappear, while the similar domestic theatre of insult prospered and indeed Prostitutes Ivrea more institutionalized in the Renaissance festive theatre of insults against marginal domestic groups.

Finally, a fundamental intellectual insight has hopefully been attained. The condition of honor was insult, and the social practices that created both were grounded Prostitutes Ivrea an interrelation between diplomatic and civic structures.

A second aim of this paper was to offer a methodology built on that theory. In a valuable study of the famous pitture infamanti of this age, Gherardo Ortalli justified limiting his data to those paintings by saying that they were directed at infaming individuals, whereas other forms celebrated those who did the infaming Our paper has argued on the contrary not only that insults against Prostitutes Ivrea when Prostitutes Ivrea by collectivities are against collectivities, but more important, that collective insults create Prostitutes Ivrea thus celebrate collective Prostitutes Ivrea.

The intentions Prostitutes Ivrea the actors are less certain than the spaces and structures of their actions. What these scholars did not do, however, was place these facts within a theory that accounts for the insults such "purified" states practice on their Prostitutes Ivrea as a conditions of their own honor. They thereby imply that honor is possible without insult and without competition, and that the state, in short, is outside the game.

The final aim of this paper has been to cut through just that fundamental presumption of collective performance in Prostitutes Ivrea to prepare the ground for a subsequent study of revolts, the most fearful insult. In my view insult must be as important to a theory of tragedy as it is to one of comedy, be as central to the historian's explanation of the performances of sovereigns as it is to studying so-called popular culture. The present paper watched the sovereigns constructing honor through deconstructing.

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The Prostitutes Ivrea of what the Italians called correre la terra still lies ahead. It must be done by dismissing the lie that authority can be honorable without dishonor.

Like many of his kind, Prostitutes Ivrea Villani bemoaned the formal insults that great powers like Pisa and Florence used against each other : " This is the way the sage communes of Florence and Pisa spent millions Prostitutes Ivrea florins", Villani scorned, "often repeating these villanies" He went so far in another context Prostitutes Ivrea to blame the Pistoians' " feebleness " on just such behavior : they had " too much desire to hang asses and make jokes and insults" Filippo's grandfather Giovanni, on the other hand, saw vengeance as un-C.

Narrating the return of the victorious Genoans after their victory over the Pisans inhe told how the victors brought back 40 Pisan galleys and entered Genoa with prisoners, but were otherwise restrained Prostitutes Ivrea their triumph. They returned " without any other pomp", he said, "except to say masses and hold processions rendering thanks to God.

For this", he concludes, "they were much commended" What neither chronicler did - and this is what distinguishes them Prostitutes Ivrea modern critics of this theatre of Prostitutes Ivrea — was to dismiss these acts as "vain and puerile demonstrations" Indeed the Villanis are some of the best sources for such behavior. Thus the three generations of the Villani.

Their humanistic successors would have us think that Prostitutes Ivrea behavior, and the necessary social outcasts to perform them, did not exist Prostitutes Ivrea the Renaissance city. State University of Richard C. Villani, bk. XI, eh. Recent works on medieval military forms are M. Allmand ed.

A study of insult forms in a colonial political system is R. Trexler, We Think. They Act. Kaplan The Hague,p. Malispini attrib. Villani, where the Florentines feared " entrassono i nemici e corressono la terra"; XI, XXX, part 1, rub.

Note that a German word for siege is Berennung. The following usage of " insultus Prostitutes Ivrea is particularly appropriate, referring as it does to play : besieging Faenza e.

See further C. Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae latinitatis, 10 vols. Thomas More unmistakably uses Prostitutes Ivrea to refer to a personal affront ; Oxford English Dictionary, V, Oxford,"insult". The Veronese family of the Ribaldi's most famous member was an official of Cangrande; A. Earlier ideas on the word's origins are in L.

Pichon, Le Roy des Ribands, Paris,p. A ribald is a knave in the earliest usage of the word I found in the dictionaries; J. Niermeyer, Prostitutes Ivrea latinitatis lexicon minus, Leiden, Prostitutes Ivrea This also seems.

The most recent work on Prostitutes Ivrea King is by A. A Carolingian capitulary captures the type perfectly without referring to ribalds : " mangones et conciones et nudi homines qui cum ferro vadant. Non sinantur vagari et deceptiones hominibus agere " ; P. Lacroix al. On "ragazzi quasi nudi" at war, see Muratori, Antiquitates, II, c. Ribalds were under their own flag in mid-thirteenth-century Florence ; R.

See also Pichon, Roy, p. The ribald's reputation for personal and collective insults emerges only slightly after the earliest military references to him ; see esp. The ribalds are often those said to drop their pants before the enemy, yell obscenely, etc. Tommaseo, Dizionario della lingua italiana, V, Turin,"ribaldo ", cites the equation from the writings of the mid-fourteenth-century Dominican Domenico Cavalca.

Villani, VI, 40; C. Paoli ed. Malispini, p. Edith Cooper kindly passed on the Valenciennes reference: L. Devillers ed. My thanks to Anthony Molho for allowing me to read his typescript.

He is about Prostitutes Ivrea publish an edition of this diary. References to the "companies of thieves" are ibid. Similar duties in German armies are documented in K. The Lombard Prostitutes Ivrea Jacopo da Cessole fi. At the end of the fourteenth century, G. Bongi ed. Prostitutes Ivrea, Storia, VII, p. These men were in turn governed by a King Prostitutes Ivrea potestas baracteriorum who was not necessarily a broker or swindler himself; see the article on this official by F.

The distinction is clear in the Parman statutes : no one may play or be present " in barac- teria baratariorum " unless he is a "publicus et famosus ribaldus et continuus baraterius " ; A.

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Contemporaries knew the charm and danger of gates from the diplomatic realm. In Giangaleazzo Visconti added a race per mulieres et pedester to the existing horse race and male foot race at Verona, suggesting that such a female race may already have been in place in Viscontean Milan All subsequent acts were staged as if other spaces did not exist.